The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful incumbents of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While countless second-in-commands were limited to peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the dynamic was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in public as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their association as a collaboration because it indicated that they were peers. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a contingent of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unidentified aircraft heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the attacks changed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It represented the proper decision to do back then. I believed it then and I believe it today."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, as a baseline," he wrote later "clear negligence, negligence, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had drafted a memorandum setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," explicitly citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his father's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were either thin or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to catch the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the evil genius in the background that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a advantageous way to function, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests pursued him through his period as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in business but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the company grew from his previous salary when he was military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling over $20m|twenty
